This year, the COP31 or the UN Climate Change Conference will be in Türkiye. The Conference of the Parties is a diplomatic forum in which the strength of each country’s climate diplomacy is on display. Yet, ahead of COP31, Indonesia sent a bad signal that screamed greenwashing diplomacy instead. 

The Indonesian Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources (ESDM) has selected Arsari Group, an oil and gas company under Hashim Djojohadikusumo, as one of the auction winners for the Natuna D-Alpha Working Area. Ironically, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, who is President Prabowo Subianto’s younger brother, is also the Special Envoy for Climate Change. 

Climate Envoy, Drenched in Oil and Gas

Hashim’s position is very strategic in Indonesia’s climate diplomacy. It is undoubtedly concerning when a presidential special envoy for climate change is linked to the oil and gas industry, a sector whose emissions drive the climate crisis. 

Moreover, the recent move—regarding the Natuna D-Alpha—was a big one. The oil and gas block in Natuna, in addition to possessing abundant gas reserves, contains high levels of carbon dioxide that must be separated out. The field CO2 level reaches up to approximately 72%, the highest in the world. Alarmingly, no company in Indonesia has ever successfully separated such a high concentration of CO2. Thus, Natuna represents a genuine ‘carbon bomb’ that poses a serious threat to the environment.

For this reason, the implementation of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) technology is a vital part of the Natuna D-Alpha project, according to Salis S. Aprilian, a Senior Advisor at the Indonesian Gas Society. Yet, beyond its exorbitant cost, the effectiveness of CCS remains questionable. It is hardly surprising, then, that critics label CCS as a ‘false solution’ in the energy transition. The primary concern is that the technology would become justification that only prolongs the use of fossil fuels rather than replacing them with clean and renewable energy.

Furthermore, at the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry National Leadership Meeting in early December 2025, Hashim Djojohadikusumo stated that Indonesia would only pursue a phase-down (reduction) rather than a phase-out (elimination) of fossil fuels. As is often the case, this phase-down policy was framed using the rhetoric of energy security. The question is whether this decision is truly grounded in science and considerations of national interest or merely in personal business interests within the oil and gas sector.

Greenwashing Diplomacy on a Global Stage

With all that context, the international community would understandably perceive a potential intensification of conflicts of interest regarding Indonesia’s energy and climate policies. The greater this potential for conflict of interest, the more difficult it would be to trust Indonesia’s climate commitments. Instead, they may view Indonesia as engaging in greenwashing diplomacy. 

Greenwashing diplomacy is a form of greenwashing practice. It is a diplomatic strategy that leverages environmental sustainability or climate issues to cultivate a positive image, while in practice, the actors involved continue to implement or support policies that harm the environment and the climate. 

This is not the first time the international community has recognized signs of “greenwashing diplomacy” on Indonesia. Indonesia received a dubious distinction from an international civil society coalition at COP30 in Belém, Brazil. The coalition presented Indonesia with a ‘Fossil of the Day’ award. This award was given due to the Indonesian government’s decision to include fossil fuel industry lobbyists on its official delegation list for COP30. 

Doubling Down

Despite criticisms from domestic and international parties, President Prabowo has seemingly doubled down. He also appointed Hashim Djojohadikusumo to head the Task Force on National Park Financing and Management Innovation. This is concerning given that such task forces, being ad hoc bodies, often operate without rigorous parliamentary oversight. In effect, the National Park Task Force will manage strategic national assets while lacking adequate accountability.

Concentrating two strategic roles, Presidential Special Envoy for Climate Change and Head of the National Park Task Force, in the hands of someone from the oil and gas industry creates a potential risk of information asymmetry. Hashim would possess virtually unrestricted access to data regarding energy and national parks. Such data constitutes a valuable information asset for carbon trading and extractive industry businesses. Without robust public oversight, this exclusive access creates a significant risk of conferring advantages upon business entities affiliated with him.

Mending Indonesia’s Climate Diplomacy

As it is right now, greenwashing diplomacy will continue to haunt Indonesia’s climate diplomacy. And so, the more difficult it will be for Indonesia to cooperate with other nations on climate change.

To put an end to greenwashing diplomacy, the Indonesian government should reappoint the positions of Presidential Special Envoy for Climate Change and Head of the National Park Task Force. At the very least, the positions must be filled by individuals with no ties to extractive industries. Indonesia has no shortage of citizens who not only possess expertise in climate and energy but are also free from any association with extractive industry businesses. Ultimately, Indonesia must not undermine its climate diplomacy with the persisting undercurrent of extractive capital accumulation.

Ending ‘greenwashing diplomacy’ on the international stage requires political courage. It appears that such courage will not spontaneously emerge from the government; therefore, the public must press for it. Without public pressure—domestically and internationally—the Indonesian government will likely continue to engage in greenwashing diplomacy while invoking the rhetoric of nationalism.

Editor: Nazalea Kusuma

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